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Dark Pastors Helped Guide This Nation's Moral Conscience. We Shouldn't Keep Them Out Of Court. 

This is an opinion piece by Ben Crump, a social liberties lawyer. He addresses Ahmaud Arbery's family. 토토사이트 검증

The Black church in America has assumed an outsized part in the Black American experience—for the great. For a group whose American story started with the experience of being subjugated and whose venture from that point forward has been set apart by injury and the mystic scarring of foundational bigotry, the Black church has been a wellspring of force, an emollient and a power for positive change. 

So it was stunning, however to be expected, when the lawyer for one of the men blamed for chasing down and killing Ahmaud Arbery protested Black ministers coming to Brunswick, Georgia, to remain in devoted fortitude with the Arbery family during the preliminary. 

Kevin Gough, a lawyer for William "Roddie" Bryan, let the adjudicator know that he doesn't "need any more Black ministers coming in here" after the Rev. Al Sharpton drove a petition vigil with the Arbery family outside and afterward sat with them in court. 

Social liberties pioneer Rev. Jesse Jackson joined Arbery's family in the court, which started a movement for legal blunder. 

You'll recall that Bryan is accused of lawful offense murder for endeavoring to bind and confine Arbery on different occasions utilizing his vehicle, as per warrants. 

Arbery's passing has been contrasted and an advanced lynching—a Black man is associated with a wrongdoing without proof and is then immediately executed by a white crowd without a preliminary or some other type of fair treatment ensured under our Constitution. 

Paulose: Behavior of lawyer addressing man blamed for dispensing with Arbery shows foundational bigotry in court 

Lynchings are a certain piece of our set of experiences—almost 3,500 Black individuals were lynched somewhere in the range of 1882 and 1968 as indicated by gauges from the NAACP. Dark ministers assumed a basic part in upbraiding them, censuring white ministers as Christians and filling in as the country's inner voice. 

Many addressed a lofty cost for their support, including Florida minister I.T. Burgess, who was hanged in 1894 and a Paris, Texas, minister, Rev. Lord, who was beaten and driven away for raising his voice.  

Like that King, the popular Black minister by a similar last name, Martin Luther King, Jr., languished dangers and mistreatment over raising the country's mindfulness about racial treacheries—and died for his support. 

Jeffrey Abramson and Dennis Aftergut: Arbery, 'Join the Right,' Rittenhouse cases show trouble of tracking down unprejudiced members of the jury 

Other than facing foul play, the Black church generally has provided Black Americans with a feeling of local area, the chance for authority and regard and solace amidst day by day, persistent dangers, savagery and other clear articulations of profound, fundamental bigotry. As such, Black ministers have been a medicine notwithstanding awful agony. 

The guardians of Ahmaud Arbery experienced the unspeakable loss of their child, who was pursued down, cornered and went for being a Black man running in a white area. This is each Black parent's most exceedingly awful bad dream and consistent concern. They merit the emollient that Black ministers can give. 100 or even 1,000 would not be excessively.